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‘Pride in Democracy’ - How a DPP government would deal with China

RESULTS of November’s local government elections in Taiwan point to resurgence of the Opposition Democratic Progressive Party, positioning it for a win in the 2016 Presidential polls. Joseph Wu, Secretary-General of the DPP, spells out his party’s China policy, which would see a lessening of Taiwan’s trade dependence on China, and, politically, a continuation of the status quo . . .
TAIPEI — The ruling KMT Government of Taiwan argues the political line that the Opposition DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) does not have a China policy. That, says Joseph Wu, Secretary-General of the DPP, is a misconception.
“We have been discussing our China policy for a long time,” Wu told ATI. “Since when the DPP was in power (2000-8), and we continue to do that.
“In January this year we published a comprehensive booklet, called our 2014 China Policy Review, which encompasses our fundamental values and principles — and political relations between the two sides.
“It also contains DPP social and economic policies in dealing with China, as well as national security policies. We do have a China policy and we will continue to review the policy to see if there is any need to revise the January 2014 document.”
A fundamental DPP principle is that Taiwan is not ruled by China – “in other words, it is de facto independent,” says Wu, adding: “This is the status quo between Taiwan and China, and we treasure that. We want to safeguard the
status quo and not to be ruled by an authoritarian China.
“At the same time, we have a second fundamental value – democracy. Taiwan is already a democracy, and if Taiwan and China were to enter into any kind of relationship in the future, we need to have the approval of the Taiwanese people through democratic means, including referendum.
“We don’t rule out any kind of relations with China for the future. But right now, our policy is to safeguard the status quo of Taiwan being democratic and being de facto independent.”
Wu says another misconception about DPP China policy is the question of political contact between the two sides.
“It is not the DPP that excludes discussions on political or other matters,” says Wu. “It is China setting pre-conditions. It is China that is asking Taiwan and the DPP to accept the one-China principle before they will talk to us
directly.
“If the Chinese side feels that its one-China policy is so important that both sides should accept it, then at least Taiwan should have the right to discuss it internally and democratically, and to negotiate with China.
“I am sure our international friends would agree that it is not right for Taiwan to accept that it is part of China without even a negotiation.
“That is why we try to encourage dialogue and exchanges between the two sides, between local governments and think tanks and academics.”
In the area of economic relations between China and Taiwan, there is a sharp difference between KMT and DPP policy.
“While we still think it is important to normalise trade relations between Taiwan and China, we also need to promote Taiwan’s trade relations with other countries to prevent over-dependence on China,” says Wu.
“One of the reasons the KMT Government has failed so miserably is because the KMT has been promoting cross-strait trade — but the benefits seem to be falling into the hands of a few big businessmen or powerful politicians. We need to think about that.
“The DPP position is — the more trade the better. We support free trade and we support Taiwan’s participation in the TPP (the US-sponsored Trans Pacific Partnership).
“We would like to pursue Free Trade Agreements with as many countries as possible – for example, we are very keen to establish an FTA with Australia. We want to see a more institutionalised trade relationship network with more market economies.
“The reason is very simple. We seem to be relying on China too much already. We need more trade partners in order to balance our trade dependence.”
Wu told ATI that two other important planks of the DPP’s China policy relate to the social relationship between Taiwan and China, and Taiwan’s defence capability. “We need to beef up our defence capability,” he says.
Of the ‘social’ relationship, Wu says Taiwan is a democracy, and that it is very proud of itself being democratic.
“We have thriving NGOs and civil society,” he says. “At the same time, the Chinese people are struggling for more political rights, more political freedom.
“I think Taiwan acts as a beacon for the Chinese people in terms of democratic development. We need to engage with Chinese NGOs and Chinese civic society so that they can learn from Taiwan’s experience in their political
development.”
Wu says that while DPP Headquarters has no formal or institutionalised contact with China, it does have contacts at local government level.
“For example, our (DPP) mayors in Kaohsiung and Tainan have visited China before, as have some senior DPP leaders, and when China’s Taiwan Affairs Office Director, Zhang Zhijun, visited Taiwan in June, he met with our (DPP) mayor, Chen Chu, in Kaohsiung.”
Wu says the Chinese reaction to local government and mayoral elections in Taiwan in November, in which the DPP made sweeping gains, was significant to note. China’s comment was that the pace and direction of peace and development between China and Taiwan would continue.
In the November municipal elections, the DPP increased its representation in terms of administrative power from six to 13 seats, while the KMT fell from 15 to six seats. It marked a significant DPP gain in the run-up to Taiwan’s 2016 Presidential election.
Of mayoral elections in the six major municipalities, the DPP won four, the KMT just one, and one went to an independent seen to lean towards the DPP. “It was a substantial gain for the DPP, and a miserable defeat for the KMT,” says Wu.




